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Rome Greek wars in the 5th century BC are the synonymous of the power ‘firepower’, until the 20th -century nuclear branch manship through wholesaledides. It was mostly measured in the number of battalions and the size of the fighting.
The Greek historian wrote in a history of the Pelopanic War in his Magnum Opse, “What they can do and the weak, according to their needs. Testing the world with the same lens as who did the German -based American jurist and political scientist, as the name of the same, as the name of the newly known as the newcomer. There is a struggle for power. ”
British historian AJP Taylor, who wrote and lectures on the history of military and war, reinforced the domain of power further that “being a great power is to be able to fight a great war …” However, he also suggested that the only way to be a major power was “not to fight the war”.
In the late 1980s, Harvard Kennedy School, an American political scientist and professor of Joseph S. Nay Junior, was not convinced by these great figures in the fields of history and politics. “The power is like the weather. Everyone depends on it and talks about it, but many people understand it,” who served in key positions in the Carter and Clinton administration, in addition to teaching at Harvard’s Kennedy School, including the Chairman of the National Intelligence Council from 1993 to 94.
NYE had a passion for detecting soft and moral aspects of power. He spent the last 50 years of his life explaining it to the world through his books, articles and lectures.
In 1977, Ni did an important task to bring the International Political Economy (IPE) to the International Political Economy (IPE), in the autobiography of Political Sciences at Stanford University, in a written by Professor Robert O’Cohan. The theory he presented was labeled ‘nine liberalism’ in the canon of IR. NYE has criticized the ‘realistic’ view of state relations and their belief that international relations are mostly characterized by distrust and competition. In response to the newly realistic idea of the zero game, where they consider the acquisition of one state as the ultimate loss of another, the Nai argued that in addition to security issues, states follow mutual beneficial activities such as trade or environmental protection. In addition to the states, multinational corporations and inter -governmental organizations were included in the global system as a key actor in the NY and Kiwan.
Although Professor Ni wrote on a number of articles, which includes the role of morality in global politics, the role of nuclear ethics and morality in political leadership, it was his theory of ‘gentle power’ that made him famous worldwide. Before finding a soft power theory, it seems appropriate to highlight some light in this context in which this theory was revealed.
It was the last decade of the Cold War, and American intellectuals, especially specialists in global history and global politics, were in serious debate about the potential future of the American Empire. “Will the United States be as powerful as it is? Will it develop even more powerful, or will it come down the path of other empires disappearing into the pages of history?” These questions captured the ideas of international relations scholars, and divided them into two groups. One group was named as ‘Decost’ because they saw the United States on the path of falling like Rome and the United Kingdom, while the other group was named as ‘Anti -Declaration, Hopeists or Relinist’, who considered the American role in the global system to change and flexibility.
Meanwhile, a British historian, Paul Kennedy, who was teaching in Yale, entered into the debate and presented his long argument in the form of great powers (1987). Kennedy influenced the history of major powers of five hundred years from 1500 to 1980, and scanned shared elements that enable the possible causes behind the rise of the empire and their fall. Kennedy found that military ‘most’ and imperial expansion often reduces major powers. While discussing Pax America, Kennedy, although very cautiously and wisely, the US Empire has reached its military ‘exceeding’ and that it can come like its predecessors. Kennedy’s book became a hit, which gave rise to a heated debate between world politics scholars and practitioners. You can imagine the popularity of his book from the fact that, according to a list of books released by the US Government in 2015, a copy of the Rise and Fall of Great Powers was found in his compound in Abbottabad.
“Power is like love – it is easy to experience it instead of explaining or measuring it.”
Kennedy was not alone in maintaining this opinion, many scholars also expressed similar views, collectively known as the ‘Decanist’. Among them were: Robert Gilpain, who, in his war and change in global politics (1981), proposed that hegimonic powers rise and fall and predict the potential decline of the American dominance. Here was a Marxist structural expert Emmanuel Wallistine, who saw American power linked to a capitalist global poem, according to Wallastine, during a terminal reduction.
The most sincere and tough, but nevertheless were less popular, among them, Champions were Johnson. Johnson’s famous critic of the American Empire came in the form of a written triangle between 2000 and 2007. The first book of Tri was titled The Blackback (2000). In this he argued that US foreign intervention would have unannounced results. Although the book was not paid much attention when it was first published in 2000, it was then praised as ‘forecast’ when it was ‘blow’ in the form of 9/11 attacks a year after mentioning this possibility.
In the second book of Trinity, The Grief of Empire: End of Militancy, Privacy, and the Republic (2004), Johnson surveyed the global expansion of the US Army, which counted more than 700 bases abroad and the growing militancy of American society and foreign policy.
Nemis: In its closing volume of the American Republic (2007) on the last day, Johnson claimed that the United States had become a ‘military empire’ that was not consistent with constitutional democracy. Comparing historical empires like Rome, Johnson warned that his fate was ruined as a republic until the United States abandoned its madness with the military empire.
Although Daxstat attracted many fans and pleaded with many minds, Professor Ni was not included. NYE argued that the Decnests were specifically measuring electricity in military hardware and economic production, which NYE later ranked as ‘hard power’. According to the barber, the deniers lost an important point, because they did not consider the attractiveness of American culture, its Hollywood and Harvard. Its jazz and jeans; Its McDonalds and Microsoft; His time and the New York Times.
In 1990, NYE introduced its theory, in an article published in the first foreign policy magazine and then in a book titled Bed to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power. As the title of the book shows, it was a denial of a declining people like Kennedy.
NYE described the power as a “ability to gain custom”. He mentioned three basic methods through which one can do: A. Baba (sticks) B. Payment (carrots), (both are strict force forms) and C. Attractive (soft power) in 2004, he presented a more detailed explanation of his theory in soft power: the source of success in global politics, where he clearly distinguishes between hard (oppression) power and soft (attractive) power. In this book, Ni also introduced a third, hybrid form of power, which he called smart power – which is a strategic combination of hard and gentle power. Knowing when to convince, when to use power and when to make both calebrits. Although strict strength can force others to customize, the gentle power has the ability to create the desires, preferences and desires of their choice.
Where does the soft power come from? NYE mentions three important sources of soft power: the culture of the country (where it is attractive to others), its political values (when they live home and abroad) and its foreign policy (when it is viewed as a legitimate and moral authority by others).
In the 2000s, the idea of gentle power that Naye imagined was “gone globally” by writing on the yellow pages of notepad in the kitchen. The concept of soft power was taken seriously by Brussels policy makers to Beijing, and papers began to enter Academia to apply Nai’s theory to different contexts.
In 2007, former Chinese President Ho Jantao told the 17th Communist Party Congress that China should “increase culture as part of our country’s soft power.” In this way, China invested billions of dollars in launching global broadcasting services and establishing controversial institutions around the world. Japan stepped up with its mobile phones, fashion, food and pop culture. South Korea used its plays with strategy, and used the pop of national identity and Korean culture – an event called “K -Wave” or “Hello”, which refers to the global popularity of Korean culture. India used its Bollywood, yoga, cricket and its diverse and influential diarrhea to offer their soft strength abroad. Here were Qatar, Dubai and Turkey, they all want to present themselves a soft picture and customize others.
However, with the return of Donald Trump to the United States and the return of many hard -working around the world, Joseph’s theory is withdrawing from the ‘realistic’ global theory expected 3000 years ago by wholesaledides.
For centuries, scholars have struggled to understand the nature and behavior of power. Likewise, Ni, who concluded: “Power is like love – it is easier to experience more than to explain or measure it.”
Joseph Nay died on May 6, 2025 at the age of 88.
The author’s background in English literature, history and politics. It can be arrived at Nadeemkhankpk13@gmail.com.
