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S Pakistan exposes its first climate -driven federal budget, the question arises: Will these high -level promises actually improve the daily life of millions of people living below the poverty line?
Although measures such as climate budget tagging (CBT) and new carbon levies are presented as progressive measures to tackle climate challenges, if they fail to ensure that they can become hollow victories, they may be able to make it safe to save water. In a country where more than 40 % of people still lack basic services and climate disasters have to be the weakest, climate costs to provide real, concrete results – not only to meet global checklists.
Islamabad itself shows how the distance between the Bold Bold Bold promises and ground realities is wide. Margala Hills National Park, which means a shelter for Geovida and a shield against urban expansion, is facing stable encroachments on its edges and mismanagement of Gozara forests. This neglect is a reminder that when we discuss major climate goals abroad, we allow the local ecosystem to fall at home, and turn the challenges of management into a fully prepared crisis.
In this important moment, the judiciary has emerged as an important patron of climate justice. Judicial activity, which often criticizes over -stoping, has proven its value in maintaining the constitutional right of a clean and healthy environment. By increasing the interpretation of fundamental rights under Article 9 and 14, the high courts reminded us that the right to life and dignity was clear, safe water and access to climate that is not in danger of our survival. The legalization of public interest and self -sufficiency has empowered the neglect of citizens and civil society – from unorganized construction to illegal logging.
Yet the courts cannot only eliminate the gap between policy and action. Parliament will have to re -claim its role as a basic look dog during climate support and policy implementation. Our parliamentary committees often lack timely access to the mandate demanding finance bills, enough resources and accountability. The recent budget process has made it clear: While financing has increased, committees have failed to overcome pollution and challenge severe deductions on funds for agricultural research – both are important for flexibility – and barely 18 % tax on solar panels will be raised.
These surveillance are not just technical details. They have the real results of communities that rely on safe water supply, fertile soil and forecasts. Pakistan cannot afford a climate policy that looks good on paper but practically stalls. What if our parliamentary committees could amend the budget, consult stakeholders before the approval of the funds and consult stakeholders? What if they worked to ensure financing with local governments and civil society, such as flood defense or nature -based solutions, reach those who need it?
One of the major reasons we keep repeating the same mistakes is that we rule with the salivis. The judiciary protects the rights, violating the budget of parliament, the policies of executive drafts, and the violations of civil society, but they rarely move forward. It has poor harmony, political shortcut and bureaucratic connectivity. Islamabad, which is the administrative nerve center of the nation, has the opportunity to do things differently. Courts can set a deadline and impose progress reporting to get ministries out of their comfort areas. Parliament can strengthen its committees and learn from global examples, for example the UK Environmental Audit Committee, which makes the government accountable for its climate promise.
We also need modern financing. By 2030, Pakistan’s estimated 8 348 billion climate investment needs cannot be met only through public funds. Municipal bonds, green trust funds and private capital will have to meet government spending to restore the ecosystem and build flexible infrastructure. At the social level, the Gozara forests should be protected from exploitation. Why not the pilot -led trusts that create livelihoods during the protection of biological diversity? If Margala can prove to be a model of balanced growth with protection, it can also affect the provincial framework for safe areas.
The judiciary can also expand its role. Beyond decisions, courts can help identify legal space, encourage reforms to enhance technical capacity, and clarify federal provincial responsibilities that often prevent progress. Imagine that the courts need annual public hearings where ministries make climate progress, communities share concerns and experts propose solutions. Such accountability can focus governments on long -term climate goals, not short -term political benefits.
Finally, it is about re -imagining democratic rule in the era of climate crisis. The people of Islamabad – and Pakistan – can not afford to discuss the flexibility of the climate and occasionally the domain of court decisions. We need a strong system of checks and balance that ensures that spending every money brings us closer to a safe, sustainable future. Our judiciary and the legislature must share mutual support and insights to make governance, which is similar to the scale and hurry of challenge.
The climate change will not stop for us. Our cities, forests, rivers and communities are counting on us. As a citizen, we should insist that our courts continue to protect our rights, our parliamentarians, and our policy makers, accepted new financial support, better governance and real accountability. Only then can we close the distance between words and action – and make sure that the next generation inherits more flexible Pakistan.
The author is a policy analyst and researcher who holds a master’s degree in public policy from Kings College, London.
