The genesis of Lahore Resolution

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“Raven -haired mustache was almost like a kitchen and bent like a repair, sounding like Ronald Coleman, who is dressed like Anthony Eden, and was praised by many women by jealousy with men,” once described Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Once widely known as the ambassador of Hindi Muslim Alliance and a harsh criticism on the introduction of Gandhi’s religious words and the introduction of Hindu symbols in the Indian subcontinent came to Lahore in 1940 to preside over the annual meeting of the All India Muslim League and the path was presented from Hans. During the implementation, they will decide for the Muslims of India that the subcontinent will change the future of the Indian and Muslim majority areas forever. The Muslim League held its three-day annual meeting in Lahore on March 22-23-24, and Muslim leaders and delegates from all over British India participated. This annual meeting was open to the public. Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah chaired the session as president of the Muslim League.

In his presidential address, Quaid-e-Azam elaborated on why a separate homeland is acceptable to the Muslims of the Indian subcontinent. He said: “Despite the close contacts of a thousand years, nationalities that are still different today as it cannot be expected at any time that they will not only subjected them to the democratic constitution and forcibly unite them through the unnatural and artificial methods of British parliamentary laws. And there are different social orders and it is a dream that Hindus and Muslims can always create a common nationality and this misunderstanding of an Indian nation has gone beyond the limits and this is because of our profession. Religious philosophical, nor do they belong to two different civilizations, which are different about life and life. Similarly, their victories and defeat are beyond. Under the same state, to unite two countries, as a numerical minority and the other as the majority, the growing dissatisfaction and final destruction of any fabric that can be prepared for such a state government.

The annual meeting ended with a unanimously approved resolution, “No constitutional plan in this country will be viable or will not be acceptable to Muslims unless it is designed on the following basic principles, ie: this:

…… “Geographically controversial units are converted into areas that should be created with such regional reforms, that areas in which Muslims are in the majority in terms of numerical, such as in the northwestern and eastern zone of India, ‘independent states’ should be developed for independence.

In his secret report to the Viceroy on March 25, the Governor of Punjab, Sir Henry Creek wrote: In connection with the result of the Muslim League session, I imagine that you are in a position to praise them as I am. My own impression is that the influence and the consensus and enthusiasm shown in the session have given the league more authority than before.

The resolution of Lahore gave a directive and achieved a purpose for which the All India Muslim League struggled for the next seven years under the resolution of the Quaid-e-Azam. Pakistan came into existence on August 14, 1947. However, a fundamental question between historians and students of the Indian subcontinent struggle is still discussed, which led to this development? Why did the Muslim leadership of India decide to go away from constitutional guarantees to protect their interests and rights in the United India? And chose a separate and independent Muslim homeland?

A separate homeland was not the one that the Indian Muslim leader had made the purpose of most of his political struggle. Even in 1906, when the All India Muslim League was established, it was to be considered a Muslim elite forum to negotiate with the British government to raise Muslim social and political concerns. The purpose of the AIML is to protect and protect the identity, interests and rights of Muslim cultural and civilization within the United India. Even separate voters for Muslim members were demanded in view of the same view. The Muslim leadership of that time firmly believed that Muslims would be able to manage their affairs in Muslim -majority provinces and, in other provinces, constitutional security arrangements would protect their identity, rights and interests. Initially there was a positive growth in this regard. For example, in the Lucknow agreement between the Indian National Congress and the All India Muslim League in 1916, every understanding between the two reached. However, a decade later, the Congress agreed in 1916 a decade ago, which was mostly agreed. The Muslim provinces of India continued to support the idea of ​​the federal system with sovereignty. It was done with the belief that this would enable Indian Muslims to take care of their interests in the Muslim majority provinces. In Delhi Muslim proposals (1927), all parties’ Muslim Conference (1929) and above all in Jinnah’s fourteen points (1929), the main demand of Indian Muslims was constitutional guarantees to ensure Muslim rights and interests. Jinnah’s fourteen points are the most important in this regard, as Jinnah has advocated for the protection of Muslim interests within the Federation of India. Once again during the round tables held between 19830 and 1932, the Muslim leadership called for constitutional security, including federalism for the protection and development of Muslim identity, rights and interests. The disappointment of the 1928 Nehru report and the frustration of Jinnah’s frustration, trying to persuade the Congress leadership to include the demands of Indian Muslims, frustrated Indian Muslim leaders who, in particular, disappointed those who focused on political and constitutional issues. The Indian Muslim leadership felt fraudulent and alien. However, what had to happen after that was icing on the cake. Fast forward in 1937. The Congress succeeded in establishing provincial governments in seven provinces. These governments lasted only two years when the Congress leadership decided to resign in 1939. However, what happened in these two years changed the path of India’s political history, and how the Indian Muslim leadership saw their possibilities in the British United India. The Congress ministries ordered the song of Benim Chandra Chatterjee’s novel Anand Matha to sing the song band e -Matam, which, along with every day’s proceedings in the legislative assemblies, also became a specialty of the curriculum in the Congress -run provinces. The Hindu symbol was introduced in the educational institutions across the board, especially under the Warda Educational Scheme or Vidya Mandar Scheme in Bihar and Central Province. The purpose of the scheme was to highlight the superiority of Hindu culture and tradition among young Muslim students. Hindi language was given top priority and Hindu culture and symbols were promoted as Indian culture.

The Hindu hero, including Gandhi, was led and predicted, while Muslim partnerships were distorted in the Indian subcontinent. In all walks of life, Muslims were treated extremely discriminated. New recruits for government jobs almost excluded them and were treated unfairly. The Muslim League formed a committee headed by Raja Syed Mohammad Mehdi of Pirpur to investigate and document the treatment of Muslims during the Congress ministries.

The committee was commonly known as the Pirpur report on November 15, 1938. Two reports: Sharif Report (1939) and Fazl -ul -Haq Report (1939) also documentary of several evidence in this regard. The supporters of the Congress were so clear that even several British observers were forced to identify it. For example, in the June 1939 issue of the national review, it is announced that the Congress governments are “growing a growing wave of political Hindu”. Particularly the Muslim League and the Muslim leaders and intellectuals generally tested the Muslim during the time, how an independent India would be shown after the British departure.

The Congress ministries, especially their policies and the action of Indian Muslims, have raised fears of controlling the Congress party, led by the Congress party in the Independent United India. To understand this context, it is important that Quaid-e-Azam re-considered the powers available to Indian Muslims and re-evaluated and came with the resolution of Lahore. Seven years later, on August 14, 1947, Pakistan became a reality.

The author is a Karachi -based political scientist and historian.